During the first presidential debate, we saw how the White House is behaving under President Donald Trump. His economic paradigm is anarchy. He doesn’t have an organization and no qualities of good leadership.
Even though it doesn’t have to be, he seeds any encounter as a battle. Chris Wallace now understands how many government employees thought — and how I felt when the President stopped me from working. For our world, he’s dangerous and a threat to a high level.
I also worked as the Homeland Security Adjunct for Anti-Terrorism and Protection of Threats, and I have been committed to protecting Americans from terrorism. My office time marked a drastic spike in white supremacist activity, but the President was powerless to help me, and my colleagues tackle it.
America saw what I had seen in government before the debate: President Trump cannot distinguish himself from white supremacists. I understood that his speech as a platform for recruiting violent militant groups after looking at the white house reaction to the terrorist attack in El Paso. The President is accountable to those terrorist extremists for the deaths of Americans.
As a conservator, I think the federal government’s primary aim is to support national defense. It is an obligatory duty for the federal government, according to the Constitution. I am persuaded that the President struggles to keep the American armed forces despite working on the Trump administration’s national security council for three years.
At many sessions, in which a White House official implied that the President had accepted. We should start to carry out proposals that would have taken the US to war. I represented the Home Security Department early in the administration. Fortunately, seasoned people in the room had enough leverage to say that these devastating ideas deserved a second look. Many of us didn’t know what the President, if anything, specifically approved or accurately told him of the dangers involved. They helped us stop fighting—these guys.
It’s important to have seniors in the building. They protect the nation from a dysfunctional system in the White House, encouraging employees to run amok. More specifically, they make sure that the President is confronted with exposed facts.
The number of seasoned administrators who speak truth to power is declining every day. We see the result: our allies are abandoned, dictators are accommodated, our rivals strengthened, our international status undermined. In a second Trump world, this will only get worse.
He even dismissed COVID-19, much as he dismissed white supremacists. You can recognize a positive and a common reaction after almost 20 years around national crises. In late January, the warnings were sounded by specialists and foreign experts. On 31 January, Secretary of Health and Human Services Alex Azar proclaimed an emergency for public health. But in February, the Federal Emergency Management Agency had long-standing colleagues who expressed privately dismay at the setback.
Last month, in the President’s terms, Bob Woodward’s disclosures indicate that government problems were not attributed purely to bureaucracy, the epidemic’s newness, or the President putting his head in the sand. It was a purposeful act. This is greater than a defenseless person’s obligation – it contributes freely to a murderer. The American public has been lying to President Trump regularly. These lies also resulted in more deaths and diseases.
A new report has projected that if we had exercised our pandemic reduction plans (as of 2005), approximately 9 million Americans would be working, with more than 100,000 still living, as other wealthy countries have done. Half of the Americans who perished so far should have been rescued. Your administration should carry out some fundamental functions; it is necessary to keep you and your family safe. I voted for Chairman Trump in 2016. But when somebody asked me if I should vote for him, he consistently declined to take the chance.
American presidents should be healthy. Around 240,000 people died of COVID-19, around two times the death toll of Lyndon B. Johnson after the war in 1968. Presidents should pull votes away from their loyal base. According to the Gallup, Trump’s approval rate is 38 percent; there has never been re-election of less than 40 percent since Harry Truman in 1948.
Then what — then it’s over? Perhaps not. Trump did not fail in the face of simultaneous pandemic disasters and a global crisis. Its foundation does not expand, but it does not crumble and keeps it competitive. “If Trump was able to shoot someone on 5th Avenue and not lose followers, then he was still be able to collect the dead on the Fifth Avenue and not have followers,” said Charles Franklin, a poll analyst at Marquette Law School.
Four years earlier, Wisconsin, Michigan, and Pennsylvania were racing between Trump and Hillary Clinton. All three cities were won narrowly by Trump. According to the average RealClearPolitics surveys, Biden leads anywhere from 6 to 8 points in each of the three nations this time around.
That can be that state polls had found that, before the election, Clinton was overtaking Trump in Wisconsin, Michigan, and Pennsylvania. In the first two weeks of October 2016 in Pennsylvania alone, seven separate State polls suggested that Mr. Clinton defeated Mr. Trump no less than 4% and no less than 9%. She ended up around one point, losing the state.
It is not apparent that state polling is higher this time around. “You see state polls that simply don’t show the education distribution in polling states today,” said Franklin. He has engaged in an American Association for Public Opinion Analysis post-selection polling sample. “It’s a little bit like a jigsaw.”
Former pollster and new President’s advisor Kellyanne Conway, who worked as the campaign operations strategist for Trump during the race 2016, claims there is no remedy. “This time, the same issues surround the polls, so more people run the polls now. “If polling is managed like a corporation, the C-suite would have been wiped out; shareholders would have revolted, consumers would have fled.” There were no course corrections, “Conway told me.
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